Brian Roemmele
I am doing my best to stop back from this subject as it should be obvious what we are seeing here. However the arrogance that us commoners are too dumb to catch his grift must be addressed. Receipts: Dario Amodei’s carefully worded reply is a masterclass in having it both ways. He frames regulation as a nuanced force for decentralization while his actual track record and recent actions scream regulatory capture designed to protect Anthropic’s closed, frontier position. The contradictions are not subtle; they are structural. He insists the “concentrate via regulation or distribute widely” framing is a “false choice,” and that Anthropic’s proposals deliberately disadvantage frontier labs while advantaging smaller competitors and open-weights. Look at the evidence. Anthropic was the glaring holdout from Jensen Huang’s open-weights letter—signed by Nvidia, OpenAI, Google, Meta, Microsoft, SpaceX and dozens of others. Amodei’s July 2026 clarification that “Anthropic has never advocated for a ban on open-weight models” arrived only after the absence drew accusations of protectionism. He still rejected the letter’s core claim that open-weights help defenders more than attackers, leaning hard into biology attacker-defender asymmetry instead. Incongruent at best. That is not “leaving room” for open-weights; it is carving out a privileged safety-testing regime for “sufficiently capable” models (open or closed) that inevitably raises the bar for anyone trying to catch up. Compute thresholds and mandatory third-party audits favor the labs that already have the capital, talent, and lobbying muscle—i.e., Anthropic. The same pattern appeared with SB 1047: Anthropic was “ambivalent,” pushed amendments that safety advocates said weakened preemptive accountability, and later celebrated exemptions that conveniently applied only below certain revenue/compute levels. Calling this “hurting the business interests of the frontier labs” while Anthropic is one of the largest frontier labs is pure theater. On messaging he claims balance—one major essay on benefits (Machines of Loving Grace), one on risks—and blames negative clips on media incentives. Reality is the opposite. Amodei’s public record is a steady drumbeat of catastrophic framing: AI that will “test us as a species,” bioweapons capable of millions of casualties, 50% entry-level white-collar job destruction, nation-state-level “country of geniuses in a datacenter,” and the explicit call in Policy on the AI Exponential(June 2026) for government power to block or reverse deployment of models that fail third-party tests. The positive essay exists; the dominant, repeated, high-salience output does not. Gavin Baker is right that this rhetoric is now ammunition for anti-datacenter campaigns. Amodei cannot simultaneously warn that the technology is so existentially dangerous it requires FAA-style pre-deployment veto power and act surprised when the public and local activists take him at his word. Dario is the poster boy for that Anti Clanker movement, just ask them. He further claims his preferred path is succeeding under the current administration’s reported testing regime. Yet the industry-wide rejection of broad open-weights restrictions (everyone but Anthropic signed the letter) and the rapid backlash when his own earlier risk language was turned against Anthropic’s models demonstrate the opposite. His own June essay handed policymakers the exact rhetorical and policy tools that later constrained his company. That is not strategic consistency; it is the predictable outcome of maximalist risk rhetoric from a player whose commercial model benefits from higher barriers. Yet plays the game like it’s not his fault like it is 2008. No one of thought buys it outside the Ends-Justifies-The-Means EA/LessWrong club house. The deeper contradiction is the one he never resolves: he admits scaling laws structurally concentrate power in the hands of those with the most compute and chips, then claims the right “rules of the road” can simultaneously constrain frontier labs and protect open-weights. Those two statements cannot both be true under the policies he actually advances. Mandatory testing for models “when they get closer to the frontier” is a moving gate that keeps the frontier club exclusive. Open-weights that lack “dangerous capabilities” are a public good—until they become competitive, at which point the testing regime kicks in. Even Claude points this out, go check. This is not good-faith institutionalism. It is a closed-lab CEO who has an almost Enron level crisis arguing that the institutions he prefers will benevolently constrain him while the evidence shows those same institutions raise rivals’ costs and keep the most capable systems behind closed APIs. The skepticism is earned. He will return to his ivory tower as he said, he has no time for us commoners on “social media”. as if X is “social media” seeing he brought this story to our real town square.
Dario Amodei
1/2 Thanks Gavin for an especially thoughtful exchange. I don't usually spend much time on social media but I wanted to engage here because it really brings out the heart of an important conversation. First, on regulation, I think that “either concentrate it in the hands of a chosen few companies and politicians via regulation or distribute it widely” is a false choice. I know that there’s a sort of Silicon Valley shorthand where regulation = regulatory capture = concentration of power, but I’ve always found this to be an overly simplified picture of the world. Many people outside this bubble think of regulation as something that constrains corporate power and benefits ordinary people. I don’t necessarily agree with that perspective either, rather I think it’s complicated and really depends on what the “regulation” consists of. But in particular I think that those in the “regulation = regulatory capture = concentration of power” frame often underrate the decentralizing power of objective and fair institutional processes. A crude analogy is that the formal court system can sometimes feel stuffy and elitist, but it does a much better job of defending the rights of vulnerable individuals than the alternative, mob justice. At their best, institutions can vest power in ideas rather than people, and thereby decentralize that power. This is why Anthropic has always made its policy proposals very carefully. We try very hard to make proposals that disadvantage (slow down) frontier AI companies while *advantaging* smaller competitors. California’s SB53 (which we supported), and even the much-maligned SB 1047 (which we were ambivalent on), completely exempt any company below a certain amount of revenue or model training costs from being covered at all (it was $500M for SB 53, lower for 1047 but we objected to that). More recently the testing process we’ve advocated for at CAISI and the White House involves more rigorous tests for frontier models than off-frontier models — something that differentially advantages challengers. Similarly, the “Pacing the Frontier” letter envisions (or at least Anthropic’s preferred implementation of it envisions) modulating the pace of the very best models while not constraining those who are catching up. This hurts the business interests of the frontier labs and helps challengers, including open-weights! Overall my view is that AI is *structurally* a technology that tends to concentrate power, for reasons that have nothing to do with regulation (more to do with the extreme implications of the scaling laws). Open-weights do help some with this but are nowhere near a sufficient solution because they simply shift the concentration somewhat to those with the most compute and chips (which are roughly the frontier labs plus maybe hardware providers). By contrast I think the right “rules of the road” can simultaneously (a) address AI’s cyber/bio/alignment risks, (b) institutionally constrain the power of the frontier AI companies, and (c) leave room for open-weights models while also addressing the specific risks that they bring. BTW I do not think that the events of the last few months have “failed to result in [my] preferred regulatory path”. The approach that the Trump administration is reported to be taking — pre-deployment testing for frontier models, and also testing of open-weights models when they get closer to the frontier — is one that I am very supportive of, though of course I have to see the details to be sure. I am also supportive of Demis Hassabis’ ideas around a FINRA-like entity. This contrasts with six months ago when most of the industry was still pushing for preemption of all state regulation and no apparent federal approach either.